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| I don't know if Xanga would make good on its threat to shut down inactive sites, but I'm not quite ready yet for this blog to go under. I enjoy coming back and browsing every now and then.
I hope every one of you is doing well! I'm getting married this summer, but I could be persuaded to take part in another book club. It would keep me actively thinking about something other than weddings, which would be refreshing.  Do any of you have a list of titles hidden away that you would like to bring out and dust off one of these fine summer evenings?
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| Chapter 29 and Epilogue
I hope all of you read the final chapter. It's short and moving. Norwich devotes nearly the whole of it to the final siege of Constantinople.
Nineteen year old Mehmet, the Ottomon sultan, had his sights set inexorably on the city from the moment he came to power. His efforts and expenditure were prodigious. The building of the Rumeli Hisan on the Bosphorus (which is still standing, and nearly intact - I've seen it) was his first overtly aggressive move. It was finished in August 1451. In April 1453 Mehmet was encamped before the walls of Constantinople. He had roughly one hundred thousand soldiers with him, but it was his ships he counted on for the biggest blow: with them Constantinople could be effectively blockaded.
The outlook for the Byzantines was grim. Genoa sent provisions, and seven hundred young Genoese men came voluntarily. The Venetian colony in Galata promised support, and offered nine merchantmen vessels. All in all, however, Constantinople could muster less than seven thousand able-bodied men to defend the walls, and only a pitiful remnant of a navy. These were charged with protecting fourteen miles of walls, and the last bastion of an empire.
Assault began on the 6th of April, 1453. Within a week the outer wall across the most vulnerable section was collapsing. One bright spot came with the arrival of three Genoese ships sent by the Pope, filled with provisions, which, startlingly, broke through the Turkish ships and made it to the city. It was counteracted not long later when Mehmet succeeded in the unthinkable, and hauled seventy Turkish ships across land, and set them down into the Golden Horn, hitherto inaccessible to the enemy ships. The city still clung to the hope of outside aid, but a reconaissance party which slipped out to scour the Aegean, returned, and reported that they had seen nothing. The end was very near.
There were portents to further discourage the city's defenders. Most disturbing, and attested to by the Turks as well as the Byzantines, was the unearthly glow that suffused the dome of the Hagia Sophia, climbed slowly from base to summit, and went out. Escape was possible for the emperor, but Constantine XI would not leave: he was determined to see the siege to the bitter end.
On the morning of the 28th of May Constantine addressed his army. There were four great causes, he said, for which a man should be willing to give his life, his faith, country, family, and sovereign. All four causes bound them now. He, too, was ready to give his life. On the evening of the same day there was a great service in the Hagia Sophia. It had been avoided by Greeks since the recent "union" between Eastern and Western churches, but all those quarrels were forgotten. St. Sophia was their church.
At half past one the morning of the 29th, the Turks attacked in three waves. By dawn, with the sun rising and the moon setting, the walls had been breached, the city overrun, and its defenders massacred. Constantine XI was last seen fighting in the thick of battle, his imperial garments discarded.
Morning mass was underway in St. Sophia when the conquerors approached. The Turks smashed their way through the bronze double doors and the congregation was massacred. The priests went on with morning prayers until they were killed where they stood. Norwich tells a wonderful story - "there are among the faithful those who still believe that one or two of them gathered up the patens and chalices and mysteriously disappeared into the southern wall of the sanctuary. There they will remain until Constantinople becomes once again a Christian city, when they will resume the service at the point at which it was interrupted."
Late in the afternoon Mehmet, his ministers, imams, and bodyguard, rode to the Hagia Sophia and entered the Great Church. There his senior imam climbed into the pulpit and proclaimed the name of Allah. Mehmet had claimed the greatest church in Christendom for Islam. It would remain a mosque until the 20th century, when it would become a museum, from whose minarets the Muslim call to prayer would still be daily issued.
In the Epilogue Norwich very briefly summarizes the highlights of the history and culture of the Byzantine empire, singling out some rulers as great, others as despicable. He mentions their art again, and, again, he pleads against the obscurity that has involved this culture for centuries.
Has he persuaded you?
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| [posted by Emily]
Karoline said we should post any last comments about this book now. Most of all, reading through it with all of you has been wonderful! I've really enjoyed reading (and sometimes participating in) the fascinating discussions, and the summaries have been well-written and helpful. I thoroughly enjoyed the book as well, and look forward to learning more about Byzantium. What a fun month!
This past week I've been reading through Augustine's City of God with eleven others, and two things that have been jumping out at me, in reference to Norwich at least, are Augustine's comments on war and manliness. I would be interested in hearing your thoughts on these!
Augustine on War: "For when Carthage was destroyed, and the Roman republic delivered from its great cause of anxiety, a crowd of disastrous evils forthwith resulted from the prosperous condition of things." (I.31) Making war with your neighbors with whom you are at peace, due to your own lust for dominion, is robbery. (IV.6) The desire to conquer (or have conquerable) neighbors whom you hate or fear is wrong.
These comments of Augustine's are interesting in light of Byzantium's "dealings" with the Roman West, Sicily, Venice, the muslims... do you think this view of Augustine's, on war and peace, is a biblical one?
Curious Manliness: The Romans were dissolute, avaricious and cruel before Christ--but afterwards, they blamed their effeminacy on Christianity, and Julian the Apostate even tried to restore paganism, the real cause of their evils. Norwich brings this out clearly in his chapter on Julian the Apostate, as he went throughout the empire restoring paganism (his soldiers called him "the butcher," as he conducted many of the sacrifices himself).
Here is what Augustine says of Julian the Apostate: "...whose gifted mind was deceived by a sacrilegious and destable curiosity, stimulated by love of power. And it was because he was addicted through curiosity to vain oracles, that..." he burned his own bridges (literally, ships), and brought about his own early death, etc. [emphases mine]
Julian was, well, Apostate--but Numa Pompilius, Rome's second king who reigned in great peace, is revered. Notice what Augustine says about him: "Numa himself attained to these secrets of demons by an illicit curiosity ... It was by that hydromancy, then, that that over-curious Roman king learned both the sacred rites which were written int he books of the priests, and also the causes of these rites--which latter, however, he was unwiling that any one, besides himself should know." [emphases mine]
Interesting, that Augustine ascribes it not just to love of power, but curiosity. Any thoughts? | | |
| By Debbie:
The
Sultan’s Vassal (1354-1391)
Important
People/Dates/Events
Family Tree:
John Palaeologus V
Sons Andronicus and Manuel
Son of Andronicus, John VII
Retirement of John Cantacuzenus
John Palaeologus seeks allies, fails
1355 Stephen Dushan
dies and his empire is a non-threat to Byzantium
1369 John Palaeologus
V submits personally to the Roman Catholic Church in an attempt to get
allies
On the journey back, John
P. is detained in Venice until
his son gives money to the Doge (Regent Andronicus refused to give up
his island which John had promised the Doge)
1371 Turks destroy Serbian army and make them
vassals-Byzantium cut off from the West
1373 Andronicus,
John’s son, leads a revolt against the Sultan
and his own father
1377 Andronicus
crowns himself emperor after being imprisoned and escaping
1379 John V and
second son Manuel return to Constantinople
after escaping to Sultan Murad’s camp
War until 1381, where John
V agrees that Andronicus will be
successor to the crown
1385 Andronicus
fortunately dies
1387 Manuel P.’s charge Thessalonica falls
1389 Sultan Murad captures Kosovo but dies in battle
(Bayezit, the Thunderbolt, succeeds Murad)
1390 civil war between John V and John VII
1390 Sultan
demands that John VII and Manuel accompany him on campaign
against their own empire’s outposts.
1391 John V dies
Summary
Fall of other places besides Constantinople
to the Ottoman Turks
John eventually personally subjugated himself to the Roman Catholic Church. Is this good leadership or spineless abasement?
Treachery of Andronicus-power destroys families. Families
are hard enough to maintain without being royal. John Palaeologus’ family
fought over what little power was left in Byzantium,
for there was mass disintegration of the empire. Only four outposts remained in 1381.
Manuel II seems to have the most tenacious, patriotic spirit of the four
empire rulers. (John V and his sons Andronicus, Manuel, and Theodore)
Serbia was essentially destroyed when the Sultan destroyed Kosovo. However, Murad died in battle.
Civil war occurred amongst John V and his grandson John VII…
over what? A city or two? As previously mentioned, the empire had diminished
greatly in size, strength, and morale.
The legacy of John V was weak. He had to appeal to the Sultan and the Roman Catholic Chruch for assistance. John V
left the empire diminished, demoralized, yet tenacious.
Comments and Questions
Isn’t it ironic how John V had to ally himself both with the
Roman Catholic Church and the Turkish Sultan? That must have been humbling and
humiliating to submit to historical enemies.
John’s sons are an interesting study: both seemed to have
more spirit than he.
Andronicus caused more trouble for his father than anyone
else besides the Sultan perhaps. It reminds me of David and his son Absalom.
John V was probably a passive parent, which allowed for Andronicus’ rebellion
and insolence to grow. On the other hand, usurpation of the crown is
treacherous no matter how poorly one thinks the empire is being run. Andronicus
died early, creating trouble for his father up to the end.
Manuel was much more helpful and loyal to his father than
Andronicus. He supported his father over his brother and tried his best to
defend Thessalonica.
What personality do you think John V had? I think he was too
spineless and passive myself, but perhaps he had no better choice in many
situations. When does compromise make leadership bad? What is good about
compromise and humbleness in leadership? What are your thoughts on this chapter?
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| Sorry this is so late. I leave today for New Saint Andrew's college in Moscow, ID., and have been getting packed (which takes longer than I thought), so I apologize for the brevity of this post, and that I am not able to comment and expand on certain points.
Main People:
-Emperor Andronicus II of Constantinople
-Michael IX: the Emperor’s son and co-Emperor. He lost every major military engagement.
-Othman: a Turkish Emir who led the Turks against Byzantine territory for some years, and from whence sprang the name ‘Ottoman’ to describe the Turks.
-Roger de Flor: leader of the Grand Company of Catalans.
-Andronicus III: rebelled against his grandfather Andronicus in order to secure for himself the title of sole heir to the Empire.
-Theodore Metochites: worked on the Church of the Chora by his own expense.
-John Cantacuzenus: supporter and advisor to Adronicus III
-John V Palaelogus
-Matthew Cantacuzenus: co-Emperor, son of John Cantacuzenus
Important Dates:
1304 Ephesus captured by Turks
1309 the island of Rhodes is conquered by the Knights of St. John
1331 Nicaea falls to Turks
1347 The Black Death struck Constantinople
1354 violent earthquake that shook Thrace
Summary:
Andronicus II is a lot like Denethor in many ways: the Empire greatly diminished under his reign, and though he tried he never seemed to do quite enough to hold the Empire together. The Turks and his own grandson Andronicus III were major worries. The Turks posed the external threat to the Empire, while Andronicus II posed the internal threat. However, Andronicus II didn’t go out in a blaze of flame like Denethor. It seems he was quietly “packed off to a monastery”, where he died.
As for the external threat, the Turks were everywhere advancing, and Michael IX appeared incapable of even slowing down the Turks. Enter Roger de Flor. His “band of professional Spanish mercenaries” drove back the Turks for a while. That is, until they became more of a threat than help. One mistake which you don’t want to make when employing mercenaries is not paying them for quite a while. And to top that off, you call them back for help during the middle of a siege, only to inform them once they nearly arrive that their service is no longer required, that the so-called ‘trouble’ has been dealt with. Naturally this antagonized them to a point that Michael IX viewed them as a threat. He hosted a dinner where he killed a number of them along with Roger. The remaining Catalans battled Michael later and defeated him. The mercenaries which Byzantium had employed for her defence had become a threat.
Andronicus III, when he died, had not proclaimed an heir. John Cantacuzenus ruled after overcoming opposition by Apocaucus, and preserved the throne for John V Palaeologus. John remained faithful to the Palaeologi, and for this he earned the ire of Apocaucus. Initially, Apocaucus had stirred up enough dissention against John, so that John was “outlawed, excommunicated and condemned as a public enemy”. However, with the help of allies, John consolidated his position, which threw Apocaucus into a state of desperation. Apocaucus’s worries were put to an end when he was killed by the people who for their wealth he had had arrested.
John entered Constantinople, and co-ruled with John V Palaeologus. When John V came of age to rule and be given his share of Empire, John VI gave him most of Thrace and some of the territory which he had previously given to his own son Matthew. Though one might imagine that this would cause resentfulness within Matthew, it was in fact not he who sparked up trouble. It was John V who laid siege to Matthew’s city of Adrianople. How ungrateful can you get? John VI basically preserves a portion of the throne for John V until he is old enough to rule (which he didn’t have to do in the first place), then John V repays him by attacking his son Matthew. *Sigh*. In response to the siege, John VI did something quite unexpected: he called up Turkish troops in order to relieve Matthew. The Empire was divided, and came to the point when pagans were called up to fight to preserve its unity.
After all this, John VI naturally didn’t feel well disposed to John V, so he stripped him from power and exiled him. But John returned from exile and rallied support against John VI. John VI retired to a monastery – and became known as the monk Joasaph.
Thrace was much destroyed by a violent earthquake in 1354. The Turks took this as a divine invitation (as if the Turks needed some excuse to cause trouble) from allah and settled there with their families. It marked the beginning of Turkish settlement onto European soil. | | |
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